Billy Caldwell: An Updated History, Part 2 (Indian Affairs)

By Peter T Gayford

Following the Fort Dearborn massacre, in the early winter of 1812, Billy Caldwell returned to Amherstburg to enlist himself in the service of the British Crown. (43) At the time of Caldwell's enlistment, his father was a Lieutenant Colonel of the 1st  Essex Militia Regiment, and working to create a special corp. of rangers. As a result of his status, Caldwell Sr. was able to secure commissions for all of his sons, with the exception of Billy. Not being deterred by this rejection Billy went ahead and obtained a commission as a Captain in the Indian Department. (44) Since he was highly influential among the Ojibwa, Ottawa, and Pottawatomie Indians around Lake Michigan, this commission suited him best. (45)

Billy Caldwell's first combat experience came at River Raisin, Michigan, in the year 1813. During this battle, Caldwell took prisoner an American officer (a Kentuckian) who was very tall and heavy, in comparison to himself. As Caldwell was trying to rescue this man from his Indian comrades, the American officer lunged at him after being spoken to in a Pottawatomie tongue, instead of the English language. At the exact moment this situation was occurring, a Pottawatomie named Wau-gosh (or the Fox) yelled, “Look out Caldwell he is going to stab you!” Unfortunately, when Caldwell turned in response to this warning, he caught his foot and fell to the ground. At once, the American officer jumped on top of him and plunged a knife through his neck. In response, Caldwell clutched the American's wrists and restrained them from causing any further damage. While struggling for his life, Wau-gosh advanced and shot the American officer through the head, killing him. As a result of this attack on Caldwell, the Indians revenged themselves by slaughtering all of the American prisoners. (46)

Amazingly, the knife was able to be extracted from Billy Caldwell's neck, and over the period of a few weeks he recovered. After his initial recovery, Capt. William Caldwell and Col. Elliott transported him by sleigh back to the family's home in Malden. It was there at this home he remained until a complete recovery was achieved. (47)

Following this injury, Billy Caldwell went on to participate in several other battles during the war. Among these included the Siege of Fort Meigs (May 1813), the Battle of Fort Stephenson (August 1813), and the Battle of the Thames (Moravian Town, October 1813). Along with these campaigns, Caldwell also partook in helping to defend the Niagara border. Interestingly, it was at the Battle of the Thames that Caldwell left the battlefield in disgust over the fact that he ever signed up to fight for the British. Apparently, as a result of this battle, he was left feeling that General Proctor was the greatest of cowards. His deeply rooted feelings were based upon Proctor's early retreat, which left the Indians alone to fight the Americans. As a result of this maneuver, the Indians ended up being soundly defeated by the Americans. (48)

Following the end of the war, Billy Caldwell became sought after by the American government for his skills and talents. To try to win his loyalty, they tempted him with a great number of gifts, all of which he turned down in favor of staying loyal to the British government. (49) In May of 1814, following the death of Matthew Elliott, Caldwell was provided with an opportunity to establish himself as the new Superintendent of the Indians for the Western District. (50) Unfortunately, his efforts brought him into contention with his own father, who was the department's first choice. In the end, Caldwell Sr. overwhelmingly won the right to hold the position, while Billy had to settle for his second in command. (51)

During that same year (1814), Billy Caldwell made his first attempt to overthrow his father from that position he so desired. To do so, he aligned himself with several junior officers in the British Army. Being young and idealistic, these officers took a firm stance against their seniors and the role of civil authorities in the army. Although their efforts may have been viewed as noble at best, in the end they failed, and Billy remained subordinate to his father's authority. (52)

After this attempt to supplant his father failed, things began to change in favor of Billy Caldwell in the year 1815. On March 1st,  Caldwell received a letter from Major General Porter that requested his testimony on the River Raisin affair, in which he was wounded. As stated within the letter, it was Porter's intention to inform all interested persons of Caldwell's courage, zeal, and activity during the battle. (53) These words, were no doubt an attempt to help pave a better road for Caldwell within the Indian Department.

Regardless of this conjecture, Billy Caldwell's path was not without its bumps. One instance of troubling moments took place on August 25, 1815, when Caldwell received a letter of inquiry from William Claus about his abusive conduct toward a fellow officer in the department. Apparently, Caldwell had insulted a Lieutenant Perin with abusive language, made threats to restrain him in the guard house, and rejected his registration to the Indian Department. (54) This situation no doubt brought into question Caldwell’s ability to handle the responsibilities of his position.

During the time Billy Caldwell was struggling with these affairs, his father was dealing with his own. While working as the Western District's Superintendent of Indians, Caldwell Sr.’s abilities to command effectively came into question by William Claus. Added members of the Indian Department had anonymously been accusing him of establishing his sons at their expense. Furthermore, his belligerent ideals of post war relations with America were not in line with Britain's. (55)

Compounding William Caldwell's problems was a conflict that took place between Amherstburg's Commandant Reginald James and himself over the resettlement of the western Indians in 1815. This conflict led to the virtual starvation of the Indians, along with an all out revolt by them. Responding to this embarrassment, General Proctor up through the highest levels of British command sought to hold Caldwell Sr. and James accountable for the mess, along with several other failures of the war. (56) In October of 1815, William Caldwell openly insulted Reginald James in public by insinuating that he was a liar and broke off all verbal communications with him. In response to this assault, on October 21st James suspended Caldwell Sr. replacing him with Billy. (57) Unknown to Caldwell Sr., was that James and his son had been collaborating to remove him in order to make Billy the new Superintendent of Indians for the Western District. (58)

Unfortunately for Billy Caldwell, his new position within the British hierarchy was short lived. While in this position, the department's senior officers realized how incapable he was at managing his duties. Added, they then began to understand Caldwell's only reason for wanting his new position, which was nothing more than opportunism. As a result of this, in September of 1816, he was eased out of his position and removed from the Indian Department altogether. (59)

Prior to Billy Caldwell's final departure from the Indian Department, he wrote an emotional letter to William Claus, which revealed new information about his true loyalties in life. As stated by Caldwell, while he was living in the Indian country (500 miles away from his home), the British army had offered him a high salary with the ability to trade freely if he kept the Indians neutral for them. Unfortunately, as generous as this offer was, he declined it. His reason for doing so was because he wanted to support the promise that the British government had always made to the Indians since the days of Brock. This promise was that a boundary line would be created in order to separate the Indian's territory from that of the American‘s. (60)

Furthermore, in every past war in which the British had solicited the Indians’ help, a boundary line was promised to them. However this promise was never honored, as British lands were handed over to the American government at the end of each war. (61) As a result of this and other injustices, the Billy Caldwell wrote on to open William Claus’ mind to the possibilities of a day when a boundary line might exist between the Indians and Americans. (62)

Following his release from the Indian Department, Billy Caldwell removed himself to the Amherstburg region. The exact place of his residence is not known. However, while in the vicinity he did work to establish himself as a merchant. Unfortunately, for all his learned skills and past experiences in the trade, he was unable to succeed . (63)

In January of 1818, Billy Caldwell’s father wrote his Last Will and Testament. As expected, Billy was not first on his father’s list for gifting, but rather the last. Regardless, William Caldwell did bequeath to his son one lot of land in the Harwich Township area. (64) This lot of land was located 60.65 miles east of the Amherstburg land holdings. (65)

Sometime around 1818 Billy Caldwell uprooted himself once again and headed back to the Fort Dearborn area. (66) Up until his return, Caldwell had remained true to his British identity. However, once integrated into his new American society, he had to work hard to gain the American's trust. (67) Among the opportunistic endeavors he undertook to align himself with his American counterparts included the following. In 1825, he sought an appointment to become a Justice of the Peace. Following this symbolic accomplishment, in August of 1826, Caldwell served as a judge in Peoria County's first election. Added, he also served as an election judge on July 24th, August 2nd, and November 25th in the year 1830. Previously, in 1826, Caldwell was recommended to the Governor of Illinois to hold the Justice of the Peace position for Peoria County. Also during that year, he became an appraiser for the estate of John Crafts, a local trader who passed away during the year of 1825. (68) During 1827, Caldwell also provided his services for securing information related to a possible Winnebago uprising. Despite these ancillary ventures, it must be noted that over the course of these years Caldwell continued to work for the Forsythe, Kinzie, and newly associated Wolcotts’ fur trade business. (69) 

In the year of 1829, Billy Caldwell's life turned toward another venture. It was during this period that the United States government began working to create an official treaty with the Chippewa, Ottawa, Pottawatomie, and Winnebago Indians in order to relieve them of their lands. These lands, known as the Mineral Country (due to the abundance of lead mines), were located south of the Wisconsin River and east of the Mississippi River. (70) To ensure the treaty‘s success, General John McNeil, Col. Pierre Menard, and Caleb Atwater were elected as commissioners to carry out the negotiations. (71)

On July 15, 1829, all three commissioners arrived at Prairie du Chien where the treaty was to be held and met with the principal men of the Winnebago tribe and United Nations of the Chippewa, Ottawa, and Pottawatomie Indians. In all, there were approximately 1,300 men, women, and children present, along with the tribes’ respected agents and interpreters. Once introduced, they agreed that two treaties should be negotiated. The first was for the United Nations, while the second the Winnebago. (72)

As previously stated, in 1829 Billy Caldwell's life began to move in another direction. This change resulted from his participation in the first treaty negotiations between the United States government and United Nations of Chippewa, Ottawa, and Pottawatomie. Being a participant, he played an influential role in negotiating the outcomes of the treaty on behalf of the Indians. Added, through his involvement in the process he became recognized as a Chief of the United Nations. These facts were supported through the following entries on July 27:

Council convened in the afternoon. A Chippewa rose and spoke. “My fathers! I am going to raise my children up now and hope they will have their senses. Here is ourflesh (Billy Caldwell), and we have all appointed him to talk to you for us for the three nations. He is our principal man.”

An Ottawa spoke. “Fathers! You have heard our brother there has said. He is a Chippewa and I am an Ottawa. What he has said, we all agree to. We are of the same opinion. Our nations are one body.”

Ka-na-sot, a Pottawatomie spoke next. “My fathers! You have listened to what our brothers have said. We are of the same opinion. You have also listened to us, what we have said, and there is the man (Billy Caldwell) we have all appointed to speak to you. What he says, and does we will always observe. It shall last as long as the world stands. Here is the Chief of the three United Nations of the Chippewa, Ottawa, and Pottawatomie of Illinois. (73)

Following these speeches, which established Caldwell's leadership role, he placed several drawn-up terms in the hands of the commissioners for consideration. Amongst these terms included a two and one half section of land (1600 acres) for Caldwell himself. (74) Following two days of deliberations, on July 29th, both parties reconvened to finalize the treaty. Meeting alongside the United Nations and Chief Caldwell was their Indian Agent Dr. Wolcott, who was present throughout the negotiations. (75) After the treaty was read aloud and interpreted for the Indians, all participants agreed to the terms and signed it . Although officially agreed to by all on the 29th of July, it was not until January 2nd 1830 that Congress ratified it. (76)

Although Billy Caldwell's role in the negotiations may have been perceived to be of an altruistic nature in favor of the Indians’ welfare, it was not. His acquired status as Chief of the United Nations of Chippewa, Ottawa, and Pottawatomie Indians was in fact no more than a fabricated crown, created through a plan by Dr. Wolcott. In 1857, author Elijah M. Haines became acquainted with Alexander Robinson while conducting several business transactions with him. Apparently, through their conversations, Haines learned that Robinson's title as Chief of the United Nations was not one of inheritance. As explained to him by Robinson, he was made aChief at the Treaty of Prairie du Chien in 1829. Apparently, while in attendance at the treaty Wilmette (Ouilmette) had approached him and said that Dr. Wolcott wanted Billy Caldwell and himself to become Chiefs for the negotiations. In response, they both agreed to do so and were promoted to the positions of Pottawatomie Chiefs. (77)

At the time of the treaty two vacancies in the number of Pottawatomie Chiefs existed, due to recent deaths. These vacancies, if not filled, would have resulted in the United Nations of Indians opposing the sale of their lands. Additionally, as revealed by Robinson, in 1829 Pottawatomie Chiefs were little more than savage individuals. They had no care whatsoever for the white man's interests. As a result of this, Dr. Wolcott was convinced that success in the treaty negotiations could only be guaranteed to the American government if the Indian chiefs were influenced by Caldwell and Robinson. (78)

To assure success, Dr. Wolcott strategically filled the two existing chief vacancies with Billy Caldwell and Alexander Robinson. In turn, this not only guaranteed successful negotiations at Prairie du Chien in 1829, but also the future 1833 treaty at Chicago. The reasons why Dr. Wolcott chose to deploy Caldwell and Robinson in this manner was because although their instincts were that of the white man's, past experiences were filled with faithfulness to the Indians. Due to these conditions, these men could influence the tribes like no others alive. To compensate them, both were rewarded with large tracts of land within the terms of the treaty. (79)

Following the Prairie du Chien affair Billy Caldwell returned to the Chicago region. (80) While there, he involved himself in the proposal of a feeder canal for the Calamic River in 1830, commanded a force of Pottawatomie scouts during the Black Hawk War (1832), and paid for the

education of local Indian children who dressed as Americans. (81) Added, Caldwell also dealt with the death of his first son Alexander in 1832 from his previous marriage to La Natte. Although only in his twenties he unfortunately succumbed from drunkenness. Sadly, as communicated by Caldwell, he saw his son to be a worthless man who was never disciplined to work. (82)

During that year in April, Billy Caldwell composed a letter to Thomas Forsythe that predicted the future of his Indian brethren in the Chicago region. Within this letter, Caldwell wrote and asked if Forsythe had read the papers about the Indians' removal to the west, what his opinion was, and how the Indians were to behave themselves when the “thunderstorms looked black to them.” (83) Added, Caldwell also stated how it had been 50 years since his childhood, and although the years had swiftly passed him by, he still had made few noteworthy accomplishments. Further, Caldwell wondered if he would ever be able to accomplish the mission for which he was born to undertake (a boundary line), or die a coward like Napoleon did. Building upon this, Caldwell's own acknowledgement that the Indians’ move west would take time to complete was an indication that he knew what their destiny was to be. (84)

Peter T. Gayford is a graduate of Dominican University's (River Forest, IL) Library and Information Science program. For the past six years, Gayford has been researching the life of Billy Caldwell (Sau - ga - nash) and events following his passing.

Footnotes and the bibliography for this article may be found listed under "Pages," at top, right.  

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Billy Caldwell: An Updated History, Part 1 (Early Life)

By Peter T. Gayford

The United States has a vast and rich history, filled with documents and writings of those many people that helped to form this country. During America’s Gilded Age (1869-1896), the United States witnessed an economic boom in its book publishing industry. This expansion was attributed to the country’s post Civil War evolution from an agrarian based society to an industrialized one. (1) It can be ironically speculated that the timing of this growth coupled with the Great Fire of Chicago in 1871 gave writers the opportunity to immortalize the early history of Chicago and its many regions. It was through these writings that the first biographical sketches related to one of North America's most important historical figures appeared. That individual was Billy Caldwell, or as known by his bestowed Indian name, Sauganash (Englishman or English-Speaking). Unfortunately, the majority of these historical depictions embodied many inaccurate accounts about his life since they were primarily based upon collections of exaggerated tales that had been passed down through generations. (2)

During the late 1970's, Anthropologist James A. Clifton, a professor at the University of Wisconsin, published four comprehensive articles on the life of Billy Caldwell. Since that decade much has changed on the frontiers of locating information thanks to the Internet. It is this author’s belief that the following essay provides the most updated biographical description on Billy Caldwell, his Chicago River reserve, and bloodline yet written.

Unlike most famous persons, no known pictures, paintings, or sketches exist of Billy Caldwell. In fact, few descriptions of his personality or physical make up have survived. Early depictions often generalize him as being a “half breed,” “white man's friend,” etc., with no specific characteristics to form an accurate image of his genuine being. This lack of information, no doubt, left readers to form only stereotypical concepts of him within their minds.

As previously noted, from 1976-1978, James A. Clifton published several biographical articles on Billy Caldwell. What made them so progressive versus previous biographies was that for the first time an attempt to define Caldwell's personality had been made. As concluded through Clifton's research, Caldwell had an identity crisis. (3) To an extent, there is evidence to support this finding that Caldwell did indeed suffer from a case of identity crisis. Being that he came from two vastly different worlds (British and Indian) this likely would have occurred during certain stages of his life. Regardless, Caldwell was ultimately a man of opportunity. This truth is being supported by the documented evidences within these pages.

One of the only known sources of information that portrays Billy Caldwell's character comes from an interview conducted by Lyman Draper in 1866, with Caldwell's life long associate Alexander Robinson. Through Robinson's description, Caldwell was approximately six feet tall and weighed roughly 155 lbs. His leanness was an asset to him, as it allowed him to be very active (Robinson stated that Caldwell was a fleet runner). Further, Caldwell was a man who was highly regarded and popular among his peers. He was viewed to be a kind individual who never hurt any living creature without justification and always helped any Indian(s) in need.

Alexander Robinson stated that Billy Caldwell was better educated than most people, as he was very literate. He was multilingual and could speak English, French, and Pottawatomie fluently. Apparently, Caldwell was able to speak the Mohawk language at an early age, but his ability to carry it into adulthood faded. Regardless, his other mastered skills helped to increase his abilities for advancing himself when required. (4)

Billy Caldwell's life began on March 17, 1782 in a Mohawk refugee camp near Fort Niagara (Yorktown, NY). (5) Caldwell's mother, whose name is unknown, was the daughter of a Mohawk Chief named Rising Sun. Paternally, his father was Captain William Caldwell of the British Butler's Rangers. (6) Although very little is known about the role of Caldwell's mother in his life, much is known about his father's.

Following the end of the Revolutionary War in 1782, William Caldwell deserted his son and Indian wife at Fort Niagara and headed toward Detroit to establish a new life for himself. In regards to Billy Caldwell's formative years, little is known. What is clear is that his given name was originally Thomas. The first written account of this came from William Claus, who served with Billy's father during the war years. Claus, who composed a Mohawk song and dance, addressed it to “Little Master Caldwell” and began it with the phrase “Greeting to the small abandoned one...Good Tom.” Unfortunately, due to the absence of his father during these early years, this favored Caldwell family name did not last. Instead, the name by which his mother called him, Billy, took hold and stayed with him for the rest of his life. (7)

Aside from this, the only other identified events that Billy Caldwell experienced as a toddler included the following two: that he was a witness to his tribe's final defeat in the American Revolution, and a participant in his tribe's migration from New York to the Grand River north of Lake Ontario where their resettlement occurred. Because of the fact that he was living with his people at the time of these events, it would not have been possible for him to have been absent. (8)

In the year 1783, William Caldwell married Suzanne Baby. Through their years of marriage, they had five sons (William, James, Francis, Thomas, and John) and three daughters (Susan, Elizabeth, and Theresa) that lived to adulthood. All these children were raised according to Suzanne's Catholic faith (William was an Anglican), and received a Catholic education. (9)

At some point during their first four years of marriage, Suzanne became informed of William's first born, Billy, and insisted he be brought home to live with them. Suzanne’s desire to do so was based upon the Quebec inheritance laws which favored the oldest son regardless of ethnicity. However, no documentation exists to support this notion. Had this been true, the family would have had complete control over Billy’s thoughts and actions, as he would have been entitled to the Caldwell inheritance first. (10) Instead, what has been found through Lyman Draper’s interview of Alexander Robinson (1866), is that Suzanne was simply anxious to get Billy home so he could have been educated through the teachings of the Catholic faith. (11)

Moving forward, in 1787, William Caldwell went east to locate his son at Joseph Brant's encampment on the Grand River. After finding his son, the two of them along with Billy's mother and grandfather (Rising Sun) returned to the Caldwell farm in 1789. Following this journey, Billy's mother and grandfather returned to their people. Once returned, Billy's mother remarried an Indian husband at the Grand River encampment and had three daughters through that union. (12)

While living with his new family, Billy Caldwell was required to keep his name, while his

birth name of Thomas was given to a younger step brother. Regardless of his past, he was raised in the same manner as his step-brothers and sisters. This upbringing required him to attend school with them, through which he received a basic education. (13) Added, he was brought up to understand the beliefs of the Catholic faith, while also the values of the Loyalists to the British Empire. Furthermore, although Billy did labor on the Caldwell farm for a period of time, he did not find that type of labor appealing. (14)

In 1797, at age fifteen, Billy Caldwell migrated into American territory and began to learn the ropes of the fur trade business. (15) His first apprenticeship occurred at the southern end of Lake Michigan with Robert and Thomas Forsythe. (16) Added to this experience, he also worked along the Wabash River and what was to eventually become the northern part of Illinois. (17) During these early years of his new occupation, he began to develop a deep association with the trading partnership of Thomas Forsythe and Robert Kinzie. (18) As a result of this connection, by 1803, Caldwell had become promoted to the position of clerk at Forsythe and Kinzie's newly established trading post near Fort Dearborn. (19) Later during that year he went into the fur trade business for himself on the Wabash River. (20)

During the year of 1804 while trading near Niles, Michigan, Billy Caldwell met Alexander Robinson, who was to become his life long friend. (21) Also, around this time he married his first wife. As documented, her name was La Natte and she was the niece of Chief Mad Sturgeon of the powerful Pottawatomie Fish Clan, which reigned along the St. Joseph River. Sadly, La Natte died after giving birth to their first son. Following her passing, Caldwell took a second wife (her name is not known) who apparently was the daughter of Robert Forsythe and an Ojibwa woman. Once again though, his second wife died a year after their marriage in childbirth. It has been hypothesized that Caldwell may have had at least eight children in his lifetime, but this has never been confirmed. (22)

In 1807, Billy Caldwell first came into contact with Tecumseh. Tecumseh was a leader of the Shawnee, and an ally to the British cause during the War of 1812. (23) Although most historical sources agree that Caldwell did become Tecumseh's personal advisor and secretary, author James A. Clifton believed that no such relationship ever existed. (24) Despite this, what can be interpreted as truth is that Caldwell was somehow associated with Tecumseh until his death on October 5th, 1813, at the Battle of the Thames. (25)

From roughly 1808 until 1812, Billy Caldwell was placed in charge of supervising the operations of Kinzie and Forsythes’ trading post, located at Peoria. (26) In addition to this, he also continued to labor on other subordinate duties as requested by his employers. As a result of these experiences, not only was Caldwell able to establish himself as an influential trader, but also a middleman for merchants, fur traders, and Indians alike. The majority of his business transactions occurred around and near the vicinity of Lake Michigan. (27)

This lifestyle continued for Billy Caldwell until the spring of 1812 when several events befell and changed everything for him. It was during this season when John Kinzie stabbed and killed a Frenchman named John Lelime, who was an interpreter for the American garrison at Fort Dearborn. Apparently at an evening party for the officers, Lelime became inebriated and engaged Kinzie in a volatile argument. This verbal confrontation escalated to a degree of physical violence on the part of Lelime, which forced Kinzie to stab him fatally. In order to remedy this affair, Kinzie employed Caldwell to travel with a statement concerning the case to Governor William Henry Harrison at Vincennes. (28)

Interestingly, as recorded by Lyman Draper in 1866, while at Vincennes Governor Harrison tried to persuade Caldwell to join the American cause. Caldwell, however, declined this invitation by declaring that he was a “True Briton and wished to remain loyal to his government.” After having made this statement, a friend who was present whispered to Caldwell that war between Britain and America had been declared. In response, to save his own life, Caldwell ran off and escaped unharmed.

Following this event, Billy Caldwell made his way to Peoria. Since he was still in the employment of John Kinzie during this time, Caldwell completed several transactions at the Peoria trading post before heading back to Fort Dearborn. This is supported by his signature in the trading post’s ledger on July 15th. (29)

One area of uncertainty that has been debated across writings has been the role Billy Caldwell played during and after the Fort Dearborn Massacre. This discrepancy having resulted from the fact that no sound evidence has been uncovered to support his whereabouts. Of all accounts, the one that has been referred to most often is Mrs. John H. Kinzie's, Wau-Bun: The Early Day in the Northwest (1856). As written in this rendering, Caldwell was not present during the massacre. He did, however, arrive on August 16th one day after it occurred in time to save the Kinzies from their Indian captors. (30) As more specifically described through her own words:

From Ouilmette's house to the party of Indians proceeded to the dwelling of Mr. Kinzie. They entered the parlor in which the family was assembled with their faithful protectors and seated themselves upon the floor in silence. Black Partridge perceived from theirmoody and revengeful looks what was passing in their minds, but he dared not remonstrate with them. He only observed in a low tone to Waubansee

“We have endeavored to save our friends, but it is in vain-nothing will save them now.”

At this moment a friendly whoop was heard from a party of newcomers on the opposite bank of the river. Black Partridge sprang to meet their leader, as the canoes in which they had hastily embarked touched the bank near the house.

“Who are you?” demanded he. “A man. Who are you?”

 “A man like yourself. But tell me who you are, “-meaning, tell me your

disposition, and which side you are for.” “I am Sau-ga-nash!”

“Then make all speed to the house-your friend is in danger, and you alone can save him.”

Billy Caldwell for it was he, entered the parlor with a calm step, and without a trace of agitation in his manner. He deliberately took off his accouterments and placed them with his rifle behind the door, then saluted the hostile savages.

“How now my friends! A good day to you. I was told there were enemies here, but I am glad to find only friends. Why have you blackened your faces? Is it that you are mourning for our friends? Is it that you are mourning for the friends you have lost in battle?” (Purposely misunderstanding this token of evil designs)

“Or is it that you are fasting? If so, ask our friend here, and he will give you to eat. He is the Indians friend, and never yet refused them what they had need of.”

Thus taken by surprise, the savages were ashamed to acknowledge their bloody purpose. They therefore said modestly that they came to beg of their friends some white cotton in which to wrap their dead before interring them. This was given to them, with some other presents, and they took their departure peaceably from the premises. (31)

Speculatively, Billy Caldwell's ability to journey from Peoria to Fort Dearborn in a month's time (July 15th to August 16th) could have been accomplished via river routes and portages. Traveling north on the Illinois and Des Plains Rivers, east over the Chicago Portage to the south branch of the Chicago River, and north to Kinzie's residence would have been roughly only 160 miles. (32) As a result, it can be deducted that there is validity to Mrs. Kinzie's story as to Caldwell being in the area following the massacre. However, what historically has made the portrayal of this event fictionalized in many readers‘ eyes is her use of romanticized language.As believed by author James A. Clifton, had this event truthfully occurred it would have been out of Caldwell's loyalty to his British comrads, and not the American cause. (33)

Unfortunately, the whereabouts of Billy Caldwell may never have a grounded answer. However, to rule out the idea that his participation may have been different than that of the Wau Bun story could lead to a stereotyped answer. Illustrating this, in 1903, an anthropologist named Charles Augustus Dilg conducted a series of rare interviews with Mary Robinson, who was the last living child of Chief Alexander Robinson. Dilg himself, was conducting these interviews in an attempt to document the life of Robinson. Unfortunately, he died in 1904 before any of his research could be published. (34)

As revealed through Mary Robinson's interviews, her father religiously retold the events surrounding the Fort Dearborn Massacre. While reliving these memories, Robinson would often exclaim out loud, “If it hadn't been for that Caldwell all this thing wouldn't have happened. Confound him and that Tecumseh anyhow!” (35) As further disclosed , Billy Caldwell came to Chicago as a runner for Tecumseh. While in the region, he was known for telling his stories of British victories to the Indians, which warped and enflamed their minds. These stories eventually helped to fuel the whole massacre. After the massacre had occurred, Caldwell not only basked in the American’s defeat, but also the burning of Fort Dearborn. As stated by Mary, “Billy Caldwell was a British Officer who hated the Americans.” (36)

In regards to Alexander Robinson's story, the following facts were conveyed to Mary Robinson by him. At the time of the final showdown, Robinson was guarding the settlers' cabins located on the north side of the river. The act of him protecting Ouilmette and Kinzies' homes and occupants from the murdering Indians was in fact the same scenario portrayed in Mrs. Kinizie's Wau Bun version. According to Robinson, at the time he was guarding the cabins Waubansia, Winnemace, Chief Joseph Bertrand, and a well known river trader were all with him. For years following the massacre, both Robinson and Waubansia grieved over the wrong committed against them when Caldwell took credit for what they had done. (37) As learned by Charles Dilg through his interviews with Mary Robinson, Caldwell was nowhere near the cabins on the north side of the river during or after the massacre had been waged. Instead, he was present at the massacre fighting beside his comrades Shaubena and Tecumseh against the Americans. (38)

Further, as explained by Charles Dilg, neither Alexander Robinson nor Black Partridge were ever interviewed on the details of the Fort Dearborn Massacre. The reason why this was thought to be is because it would have spoiled Mrs. Kinzie’s tale. (39) Even though in 1866 Alexander Robinson stated to Lyman Draper that Billy Caldwell showed up late to save the Kinzies, that was ten years after Wau Bun had been published. Added, it was never described in Draper's notes what exactly Robinson was referring to (Mrs. Kinzie's Wau Bun version, etc.). (40) To complicate matters, aside from Robinson’s language barrier, in 1866 he was also suffering from memory loss due to his advancing age, which could have affected his response to Draper. (41)

Interestingly enough, within the book entitled Chicago and the Old Northwest (1913), author Milo Milton Quaife critiqued Charles Dilg's techniques of obtaining information from Mary Robinson as being useless and unscientific. (42) Whether true or not, Dilg’s information did provide another theory to Billy Caldwell’s involvement with the Fort Dearborn Massacre. Thus, to insinuate that any one historical rendering of Caldwell’s role is an absolute truth may not be just.

NEXT Time: Billy Caldwell: An Updated History, Part 2 

Peter T. Gayford is a graduate of Dominican University's (River Forest, IL) Library and Information Science program. For the past six years, Gayford has been researching the life of Billy Caldwell (Sau - ga - nash) and events following his passing.


Footnotes and the bibliography for this article may be found listed under "Pages," at top, right.  

Photo Credits:

Top, left: "Billy Caldwell on the Plains," American Legion Billy Caldwell Post 806

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