Billy Caldwell: An Updated History, Part 2 (Indian Affairs)

By Peter T Gayford

Following the Fort Dearborn massacre, in the early winter of 1812, Billy Caldwell returned to Amherstburg to enlist himself in the service of the British Crown. (43) At the time of Caldwell's enlistment, his father was a Lieutenant Colonel of the 1st  Essex Militia Regiment, and working to create a special corp. of rangers. As a result of his status, Caldwell Sr. was able to secure commissions for all of his sons, with the exception of Billy. Not being deterred by this rejection Billy went ahead and obtained a commission as a Captain in the Indian Department. (44) Since he was highly influential among the Ojibwa, Ottawa, and Pottawatomie Indians around Lake Michigan, this commission suited him best. (45)

Billy Caldwell's first combat experience came at River Raisin, Michigan, in the year 1813. During this battle, Caldwell took prisoner an American officer (a Kentuckian) who was very tall and heavy, in comparison to himself. As Caldwell was trying to rescue this man from his Indian comrades, the American officer lunged at him after being spoken to in a Pottawatomie tongue, instead of the English language. At the exact moment this situation was occurring, a Pottawatomie named Wau-gosh (or the Fox) yelled, “Look out Caldwell he is going to stab you!” Unfortunately, when Caldwell turned in response to this warning, he caught his foot and fell to the ground. At once, the American officer jumped on top of him and plunged a knife through his neck. In response, Caldwell clutched the American's wrists and restrained them from causing any further damage. While struggling for his life, Wau-gosh advanced and shot the American officer through the head, killing him. As a result of this attack on Caldwell, the Indians revenged themselves by slaughtering all of the American prisoners. (46)

Amazingly, the knife was able to be extracted from Billy Caldwell's neck, and over the period of a few weeks he recovered. After his initial recovery, Capt. William Caldwell and Col. Elliott transported him by sleigh back to the family's home in Malden. It was there at this home he remained until a complete recovery was achieved. (47)

Following this injury, Billy Caldwell went on to participate in several other battles during the war. Among these included the Siege of Fort Meigs (May 1813), the Battle of Fort Stephenson (August 1813), and the Battle of the Thames (Moravian Town, October 1813). Along with these campaigns, Caldwell also partook in helping to defend the Niagara border. Interestingly, it was at the Battle of the Thames that Caldwell left the battlefield in disgust over the fact that he ever signed up to fight for the British. Apparently, as a result of this battle, he was left feeling that General Proctor was the greatest of cowards. His deeply rooted feelings were based upon Proctor's early retreat, which left the Indians alone to fight the Americans. As a result of this maneuver, the Indians ended up being soundly defeated by the Americans. (48)

Following the end of the war, Billy Caldwell became sought after by the American government for his skills and talents. To try to win his loyalty, they tempted him with a great number of gifts, all of which he turned down in favor of staying loyal to the British government. (49) In May of 1814, following the death of Matthew Elliott, Caldwell was provided with an opportunity to establish himself as the new Superintendent of the Indians for the Western District. (50) Unfortunately, his efforts brought him into contention with his own father, who was the department's first choice. In the end, Caldwell Sr. overwhelmingly won the right to hold the position, while Billy had to settle for his second in command. (51)

During that same year (1814), Billy Caldwell made his first attempt to overthrow his father from that position he so desired. To do so, he aligned himself with several junior officers in the British Army. Being young and idealistic, these officers took a firm stance against their seniors and the role of civil authorities in the army. Although their efforts may have been viewed as noble at best, in the end they failed, and Billy remained subordinate to his father's authority. (52)

After this attempt to supplant his father failed, things began to change in favor of Billy Caldwell in the year 1815. On March 1st,  Caldwell received a letter from Major General Porter that requested his testimony on the River Raisin affair, in which he was wounded. As stated within the letter, it was Porter's intention to inform all interested persons of Caldwell's courage, zeal, and activity during the battle. (53) These words, were no doubt an attempt to help pave a better road for Caldwell within the Indian Department.

Regardless of this conjecture, Billy Caldwell's path was not without its bumps. One instance of troubling moments took place on August 25, 1815, when Caldwell received a letter of inquiry from William Claus about his abusive conduct toward a fellow officer in the department. Apparently, Caldwell had insulted a Lieutenant Perin with abusive language, made threats to restrain him in the guard house, and rejected his registration to the Indian Department. (54) This situation no doubt brought into question Caldwell’s ability to handle the responsibilities of his position.

During the time Billy Caldwell was struggling with these affairs, his father was dealing with his own. While working as the Western District's Superintendent of Indians, Caldwell Sr.’s abilities to command effectively came into question by William Claus. Added members of the Indian Department had anonymously been accusing him of establishing his sons at their expense. Furthermore, his belligerent ideals of post war relations with America were not in line with Britain's. (55)

Compounding William Caldwell's problems was a conflict that took place between Amherstburg's Commandant Reginald James and himself over the resettlement of the western Indians in 1815. This conflict led to the virtual starvation of the Indians, along with an all out revolt by them. Responding to this embarrassment, General Proctor up through the highest levels of British command sought to hold Caldwell Sr. and James accountable for the mess, along with several other failures of the war. (56) In October of 1815, William Caldwell openly insulted Reginald James in public by insinuating that he was a liar and broke off all verbal communications with him. In response to this assault, on October 21st James suspended Caldwell Sr. replacing him with Billy. (57) Unknown to Caldwell Sr., was that James and his son had been collaborating to remove him in order to make Billy the new Superintendent of Indians for the Western District. (58)

Unfortunately for Billy Caldwell, his new position within the British hierarchy was short lived. While in this position, the department's senior officers realized how incapable he was at managing his duties. Added, they then began to understand Caldwell's only reason for wanting his new position, which was nothing more than opportunism. As a result of this, in September of 1816, he was eased out of his position and removed from the Indian Department altogether. (59)

Prior to Billy Caldwell's final departure from the Indian Department, he wrote an emotional letter to William Claus, which revealed new information about his true loyalties in life. As stated by Caldwell, while he was living in the Indian country (500 miles away from his home), the British army had offered him a high salary with the ability to trade freely if he kept the Indians neutral for them. Unfortunately, as generous as this offer was, he declined it. His reason for doing so was because he wanted to support the promise that the British government had always made to the Indians since the days of Brock. This promise was that a boundary line would be created in order to separate the Indian's territory from that of the American‘s. (60)

Furthermore, in every past war in which the British had solicited the Indians’ help, a boundary line was promised to them. However this promise was never honored, as British lands were handed over to the American government at the end of each war. (61) As a result of this and other injustices, the Billy Caldwell wrote on to open William Claus’ mind to the possibilities of a day when a boundary line might exist between the Indians and Americans. (62)

Following his release from the Indian Department, Billy Caldwell removed himself to the Amherstburg region. The exact place of his residence is not known. However, while in the vicinity he did work to establish himself as a merchant. Unfortunately, for all his learned skills and past experiences in the trade, he was unable to succeed . (63)

In January of 1818, Billy Caldwell’s father wrote his Last Will and Testament. As expected, Billy was not first on his father’s list for gifting, but rather the last. Regardless, William Caldwell did bequeath to his son one lot of land in the Harwich Township area. (64) This lot of land was located 60.65 miles east of the Amherstburg land holdings. (65)

Sometime around 1818 Billy Caldwell uprooted himself once again and headed back to the Fort Dearborn area. (66) Up until his return, Caldwell had remained true to his British identity. However, once integrated into his new American society, he had to work hard to gain the American's trust. (67) Among the opportunistic endeavors he undertook to align himself with his American counterparts included the following. In 1825, he sought an appointment to become a Justice of the Peace. Following this symbolic accomplishment, in August of 1826, Caldwell served as a judge in Peoria County's first election. Added, he also served as an election judge on July 24th, August 2nd, and November 25th in the year 1830. Previously, in 1826, Caldwell was recommended to the Governor of Illinois to hold the Justice of the Peace position for Peoria County. Also during that year, he became an appraiser for the estate of John Crafts, a local trader who passed away during the year of 1825. (68) During 1827, Caldwell also provided his services for securing information related to a possible Winnebago uprising. Despite these ancillary ventures, it must be noted that over the course of these years Caldwell continued to work for the Forsythe, Kinzie, and newly associated Wolcotts’ fur trade business. (69) 

In the year of 1829, Billy Caldwell's life turned toward another venture. It was during this period that the United States government began working to create an official treaty with the Chippewa, Ottawa, Pottawatomie, and Winnebago Indians in order to relieve them of their lands. These lands, known as the Mineral Country (due to the abundance of lead mines), were located south of the Wisconsin River and east of the Mississippi River. (70) To ensure the treaty‘s success, General John McNeil, Col. Pierre Menard, and Caleb Atwater were elected as commissioners to carry out the negotiations. (71)

On July 15, 1829, all three commissioners arrived at Prairie du Chien where the treaty was to be held and met with the principal men of the Winnebago tribe and United Nations of the Chippewa, Ottawa, and Pottawatomie Indians. In all, there were approximately 1,300 men, women, and children present, along with the tribes’ respected agents and interpreters. Once introduced, they agreed that two treaties should be negotiated. The first was for the United Nations, while the second the Winnebago. (72)

As previously stated, in 1829 Billy Caldwell's life began to move in another direction. This change resulted from his participation in the first treaty negotiations between the United States government and United Nations of Chippewa, Ottawa, and Pottawatomie. Being a participant, he played an influential role in negotiating the outcomes of the treaty on behalf of the Indians. Added, through his involvement in the process he became recognized as a Chief of the United Nations. These facts were supported through the following entries on July 27:

Council convened in the afternoon. A Chippewa rose and spoke. “My fathers! I am going to raise my children up now and hope they will have their senses. Here is ourflesh (Billy Caldwell), and we have all appointed him to talk to you for us for the three nations. He is our principal man.”

An Ottawa spoke. “Fathers! You have heard our brother there has said. He is a Chippewa and I am an Ottawa. What he has said, we all agree to. We are of the same opinion. Our nations are one body.”

Ka-na-sot, a Pottawatomie spoke next. “My fathers! You have listened to what our brothers have said. We are of the same opinion. You have also listened to us, what we have said, and there is the man (Billy Caldwell) we have all appointed to speak to you. What he says, and does we will always observe. It shall last as long as the world stands. Here is the Chief of the three United Nations of the Chippewa, Ottawa, and Pottawatomie of Illinois. (73)

Following these speeches, which established Caldwell's leadership role, he placed several drawn-up terms in the hands of the commissioners for consideration. Amongst these terms included a two and one half section of land (1600 acres) for Caldwell himself. (74) Following two days of deliberations, on July 29th, both parties reconvened to finalize the treaty. Meeting alongside the United Nations and Chief Caldwell was their Indian Agent Dr. Wolcott, who was present throughout the negotiations. (75) After the treaty was read aloud and interpreted for the Indians, all participants agreed to the terms and signed it . Although officially agreed to by all on the 29th of July, it was not until January 2nd 1830 that Congress ratified it. (76)

Although Billy Caldwell's role in the negotiations may have been perceived to be of an altruistic nature in favor of the Indians’ welfare, it was not. His acquired status as Chief of the United Nations of Chippewa, Ottawa, and Pottawatomie Indians was in fact no more than a fabricated crown, created through a plan by Dr. Wolcott. In 1857, author Elijah M. Haines became acquainted with Alexander Robinson while conducting several business transactions with him. Apparently, through their conversations, Haines learned that Robinson's title as Chief of the United Nations was not one of inheritance. As explained to him by Robinson, he was made aChief at the Treaty of Prairie du Chien in 1829. Apparently, while in attendance at the treaty Wilmette (Ouilmette) had approached him and said that Dr. Wolcott wanted Billy Caldwell and himself to become Chiefs for the negotiations. In response, they both agreed to do so and were promoted to the positions of Pottawatomie Chiefs. (77)

At the time of the treaty two vacancies in the number of Pottawatomie Chiefs existed, due to recent deaths. These vacancies, if not filled, would have resulted in the United Nations of Indians opposing the sale of their lands. Additionally, as revealed by Robinson, in 1829 Pottawatomie Chiefs were little more than savage individuals. They had no care whatsoever for the white man's interests. As a result of this, Dr. Wolcott was convinced that success in the treaty negotiations could only be guaranteed to the American government if the Indian chiefs were influenced by Caldwell and Robinson. (78)

To assure success, Dr. Wolcott strategically filled the two existing chief vacancies with Billy Caldwell and Alexander Robinson. In turn, this not only guaranteed successful negotiations at Prairie du Chien in 1829, but also the future 1833 treaty at Chicago. The reasons why Dr. Wolcott chose to deploy Caldwell and Robinson in this manner was because although their instincts were that of the white man's, past experiences were filled with faithfulness to the Indians. Due to these conditions, these men could influence the tribes like no others alive. To compensate them, both were rewarded with large tracts of land within the terms of the treaty. (79)

Following the Prairie du Chien affair Billy Caldwell returned to the Chicago region. (80) While there, he involved himself in the proposal of a feeder canal for the Calamic River in 1830, commanded a force of Pottawatomie scouts during the Black Hawk War (1832), and paid for the

education of local Indian children who dressed as Americans. (81) Added, Caldwell also dealt with the death of his first son Alexander in 1832 from his previous marriage to La Natte. Although only in his twenties he unfortunately succumbed from drunkenness. Sadly, as communicated by Caldwell, he saw his son to be a worthless man who was never disciplined to work. (82)

During that year in April, Billy Caldwell composed a letter to Thomas Forsythe that predicted the future of his Indian brethren in the Chicago region. Within this letter, Caldwell wrote and asked if Forsythe had read the papers about the Indians' removal to the west, what his opinion was, and how the Indians were to behave themselves when the “thunderstorms looked black to them.” (83) Added, Caldwell also stated how it had been 50 years since his childhood, and although the years had swiftly passed him by, he still had made few noteworthy accomplishments. Further, Caldwell wondered if he would ever be able to accomplish the mission for which he was born to undertake (a boundary line), or die a coward like Napoleon did. Building upon this, Caldwell's own acknowledgement that the Indians’ move west would take time to complete was an indication that he knew what their destiny was to be. (84)

Peter T. Gayford is a graduate of Dominican University's (River Forest, IL) Library and Information Science program. For the past six years, Gayford has been researching the life of Billy Caldwell (Sau - ga - nash) and events following his passing.

Footnotes and the bibliography for this article may be found listed under "Pages," at top, right.