Billy Caldwell: An Updated History, Part 1 (Early Life)

By Peter T. Gayford

The United States has a vast and rich history, filled with documents and writings of those many people that helped to form this country. During America’s Gilded Age (1869-1896), the United States witnessed an economic boom in its book publishing industry. This expansion was attributed to the country’s post Civil War evolution from an agrarian based society to an industrialized one. (1) It can be ironically speculated that the timing of this growth coupled with the Great Fire of Chicago in 1871 gave writers the opportunity to immortalize the early history of Chicago and its many regions. It was through these writings that the first biographical sketches related to one of North America's most important historical figures appeared. That individual was Billy Caldwell, or as known by his bestowed Indian name, Sauganash (Englishman or English-Speaking). Unfortunately, the majority of these historical depictions embodied many inaccurate accounts about his life since they were primarily based upon collections of exaggerated tales that had been passed down through generations. (2)

During the late 1970's, Anthropologist James A. Clifton, a professor at the University of Wisconsin, published four comprehensive articles on the life of Billy Caldwell. Since that decade much has changed on the frontiers of locating information thanks to the Internet. It is this author’s belief that the following essay provides the most updated biographical description on Billy Caldwell, his Chicago River reserve, and bloodline yet written.

Unlike most famous persons, no known pictures, paintings, or sketches exist of Billy Caldwell. In fact, few descriptions of his personality or physical make up have survived. Early depictions often generalize him as being a “half breed,” “white man's friend,” etc., with no specific characteristics to form an accurate image of his genuine being. This lack of information, no doubt, left readers to form only stereotypical concepts of him within their minds.

As previously noted, from 1976-1978, James A. Clifton published several biographical articles on Billy Caldwell. What made them so progressive versus previous biographies was that for the first time an attempt to define Caldwell's personality had been made. As concluded through Clifton's research, Caldwell had an identity crisis. (3) To an extent, there is evidence to support this finding that Caldwell did indeed suffer from a case of identity crisis. Being that he came from two vastly different worlds (British and Indian) this likely would have occurred during certain stages of his life. Regardless, Caldwell was ultimately a man of opportunity. This truth is being supported by the documented evidences within these pages.

One of the only known sources of information that portrays Billy Caldwell's character comes from an interview conducted by Lyman Draper in 1866, with Caldwell's life long associate Alexander Robinson. Through Robinson's description, Caldwell was approximately six feet tall and weighed roughly 155 lbs. His leanness was an asset to him, as it allowed him to be very active (Robinson stated that Caldwell was a fleet runner). Further, Caldwell was a man who was highly regarded and popular among his peers. He was viewed to be a kind individual who never hurt any living creature without justification and always helped any Indian(s) in need.

Alexander Robinson stated that Billy Caldwell was better educated than most people, as he was very literate. He was multilingual and could speak English, French, and Pottawatomie fluently. Apparently, Caldwell was able to speak the Mohawk language at an early age, but his ability to carry it into adulthood faded. Regardless, his other mastered skills helped to increase his abilities for advancing himself when required. (4)

Billy Caldwell's life began on March 17, 1782 in a Mohawk refugee camp near Fort Niagara (Yorktown, NY). (5) Caldwell's mother, whose name is unknown, was the daughter of a Mohawk Chief named Rising Sun. Paternally, his father was Captain William Caldwell of the British Butler's Rangers. (6) Although very little is known about the role of Caldwell's mother in his life, much is known about his father's.

Following the end of the Revolutionary War in 1782, William Caldwell deserted his son and Indian wife at Fort Niagara and headed toward Detroit to establish a new life for himself. In regards to Billy Caldwell's formative years, little is known. What is clear is that his given name was originally Thomas. The first written account of this came from William Claus, who served with Billy's father during the war years. Claus, who composed a Mohawk song and dance, addressed it to “Little Master Caldwell” and began it with the phrase “Greeting to the small abandoned one...Good Tom.” Unfortunately, due to the absence of his father during these early years, this favored Caldwell family name did not last. Instead, the name by which his mother called him, Billy, took hold and stayed with him for the rest of his life. (7)

Aside from this, the only other identified events that Billy Caldwell experienced as a toddler included the following two: that he was a witness to his tribe's final defeat in the American Revolution, and a participant in his tribe's migration from New York to the Grand River north of Lake Ontario where their resettlement occurred. Because of the fact that he was living with his people at the time of these events, it would not have been possible for him to have been absent. (8)

In the year 1783, William Caldwell married Suzanne Baby. Through their years of marriage, they had five sons (William, James, Francis, Thomas, and John) and three daughters (Susan, Elizabeth, and Theresa) that lived to adulthood. All these children were raised according to Suzanne's Catholic faith (William was an Anglican), and received a Catholic education. (9)

At some point during their first four years of marriage, Suzanne became informed of William's first born, Billy, and insisted he be brought home to live with them. Suzanne’s desire to do so was based upon the Quebec inheritance laws which favored the oldest son regardless of ethnicity. However, no documentation exists to support this notion. Had this been true, the family would have had complete control over Billy’s thoughts and actions, as he would have been entitled to the Caldwell inheritance first. (10) Instead, what has been found through Lyman Draper’s interview of Alexander Robinson (1866), is that Suzanne was simply anxious to get Billy home so he could have been educated through the teachings of the Catholic faith. (11)

Moving forward, in 1787, William Caldwell went east to locate his son at Joseph Brant's encampment on the Grand River. After finding his son, the two of them along with Billy's mother and grandfather (Rising Sun) returned to the Caldwell farm in 1789. Following this journey, Billy's mother and grandfather returned to their people. Once returned, Billy's mother remarried an Indian husband at the Grand River encampment and had three daughters through that union. (12)

While living with his new family, Billy Caldwell was required to keep his name, while his

birth name of Thomas was given to a younger step brother. Regardless of his past, he was raised in the same manner as his step-brothers and sisters. This upbringing required him to attend school with them, through which he received a basic education. (13) Added, he was brought up to understand the beliefs of the Catholic faith, while also the values of the Loyalists to the British Empire. Furthermore, although Billy did labor on the Caldwell farm for a period of time, he did not find that type of labor appealing. (14)

In 1797, at age fifteen, Billy Caldwell migrated into American territory and began to learn the ropes of the fur trade business. (15) His first apprenticeship occurred at the southern end of Lake Michigan with Robert and Thomas Forsythe. (16) Added to this experience, he also worked along the Wabash River and what was to eventually become the northern part of Illinois. (17) During these early years of his new occupation, he began to develop a deep association with the trading partnership of Thomas Forsythe and Robert Kinzie. (18) As a result of this connection, by 1803, Caldwell had become promoted to the position of clerk at Forsythe and Kinzie's newly established trading post near Fort Dearborn. (19) Later during that year he went into the fur trade business for himself on the Wabash River. (20)

During the year of 1804 while trading near Niles, Michigan, Billy Caldwell met Alexander Robinson, who was to become his life long friend. (21) Also, around this time he married his first wife. As documented, her name was La Natte and she was the niece of Chief Mad Sturgeon of the powerful Pottawatomie Fish Clan, which reigned along the St. Joseph River. Sadly, La Natte died after giving birth to their first son. Following her passing, Caldwell took a second wife (her name is not known) who apparently was the daughter of Robert Forsythe and an Ojibwa woman. Once again though, his second wife died a year after their marriage in childbirth. It has been hypothesized that Caldwell may have had at least eight children in his lifetime, but this has never been confirmed. (22)

In 1807, Billy Caldwell first came into contact with Tecumseh. Tecumseh was a leader of the Shawnee, and an ally to the British cause during the War of 1812. (23) Although most historical sources agree that Caldwell did become Tecumseh's personal advisor and secretary, author James A. Clifton believed that no such relationship ever existed. (24) Despite this, what can be interpreted as truth is that Caldwell was somehow associated with Tecumseh until his death on October 5th, 1813, at the Battle of the Thames. (25)

From roughly 1808 until 1812, Billy Caldwell was placed in charge of supervising the operations of Kinzie and Forsythes’ trading post, located at Peoria. (26) In addition to this, he also continued to labor on other subordinate duties as requested by his employers. As a result of these experiences, not only was Caldwell able to establish himself as an influential trader, but also a middleman for merchants, fur traders, and Indians alike. The majority of his business transactions occurred around and near the vicinity of Lake Michigan. (27)

This lifestyle continued for Billy Caldwell until the spring of 1812 when several events befell and changed everything for him. It was during this season when John Kinzie stabbed and killed a Frenchman named John Lelime, who was an interpreter for the American garrison at Fort Dearborn. Apparently at an evening party for the officers, Lelime became inebriated and engaged Kinzie in a volatile argument. This verbal confrontation escalated to a degree of physical violence on the part of Lelime, which forced Kinzie to stab him fatally. In order to remedy this affair, Kinzie employed Caldwell to travel with a statement concerning the case to Governor William Henry Harrison at Vincennes. (28)

Interestingly, as recorded by Lyman Draper in 1866, while at Vincennes Governor Harrison tried to persuade Caldwell to join the American cause. Caldwell, however, declined this invitation by declaring that he was a “True Briton and wished to remain loyal to his government.” After having made this statement, a friend who was present whispered to Caldwell that war between Britain and America had been declared. In response, to save his own life, Caldwell ran off and escaped unharmed.

Following this event, Billy Caldwell made his way to Peoria. Since he was still in the employment of John Kinzie during this time, Caldwell completed several transactions at the Peoria trading post before heading back to Fort Dearborn. This is supported by his signature in the trading post’s ledger on July 15th. (29)

One area of uncertainty that has been debated across writings has been the role Billy Caldwell played during and after the Fort Dearborn Massacre. This discrepancy having resulted from the fact that no sound evidence has been uncovered to support his whereabouts. Of all accounts, the one that has been referred to most often is Mrs. John H. Kinzie's, Wau-Bun: The Early Day in the Northwest (1856). As written in this rendering, Caldwell was not present during the massacre. He did, however, arrive on August 16th one day after it occurred in time to save the Kinzies from their Indian captors. (30) As more specifically described through her own words:

From Ouilmette's house to the party of Indians proceeded to the dwelling of Mr. Kinzie. They entered the parlor in which the family was assembled with their faithful protectors and seated themselves upon the floor in silence. Black Partridge perceived from theirmoody and revengeful looks what was passing in their minds, but he dared not remonstrate with them. He only observed in a low tone to Waubansee

“We have endeavored to save our friends, but it is in vain-nothing will save them now.”

At this moment a friendly whoop was heard from a party of newcomers on the opposite bank of the river. Black Partridge sprang to meet their leader, as the canoes in which they had hastily embarked touched the bank near the house.

“Who are you?” demanded he. “A man. Who are you?”

 “A man like yourself. But tell me who you are, “-meaning, tell me your

disposition, and which side you are for.” “I am Sau-ga-nash!”

“Then make all speed to the house-your friend is in danger, and you alone can save him.”

Billy Caldwell for it was he, entered the parlor with a calm step, and without a trace of agitation in his manner. He deliberately took off his accouterments and placed them with his rifle behind the door, then saluted the hostile savages.

“How now my friends! A good day to you. I was told there were enemies here, but I am glad to find only friends. Why have you blackened your faces? Is it that you are mourning for our friends? Is it that you are mourning for the friends you have lost in battle?” (Purposely misunderstanding this token of evil designs)

“Or is it that you are fasting? If so, ask our friend here, and he will give you to eat. He is the Indians friend, and never yet refused them what they had need of.”

Thus taken by surprise, the savages were ashamed to acknowledge their bloody purpose. They therefore said modestly that they came to beg of their friends some white cotton in which to wrap their dead before interring them. This was given to them, with some other presents, and they took their departure peaceably from the premises. (31)

Speculatively, Billy Caldwell's ability to journey from Peoria to Fort Dearborn in a month's time (July 15th to August 16th) could have been accomplished via river routes and portages. Traveling north on the Illinois and Des Plains Rivers, east over the Chicago Portage to the south branch of the Chicago River, and north to Kinzie's residence would have been roughly only 160 miles. (32) As a result, it can be deducted that there is validity to Mrs. Kinzie's story as to Caldwell being in the area following the massacre. However, what historically has made the portrayal of this event fictionalized in many readers‘ eyes is her use of romanticized language.As believed by author James A. Clifton, had this event truthfully occurred it would have been out of Caldwell's loyalty to his British comrads, and not the American cause. (33)

Unfortunately, the whereabouts of Billy Caldwell may never have a grounded answer. However, to rule out the idea that his participation may have been different than that of the Wau Bun story could lead to a stereotyped answer. Illustrating this, in 1903, an anthropologist named Charles Augustus Dilg conducted a series of rare interviews with Mary Robinson, who was the last living child of Chief Alexander Robinson. Dilg himself, was conducting these interviews in an attempt to document the life of Robinson. Unfortunately, he died in 1904 before any of his research could be published. (34)

As revealed through Mary Robinson's interviews, her father religiously retold the events surrounding the Fort Dearborn Massacre. While reliving these memories, Robinson would often exclaim out loud, “If it hadn't been for that Caldwell all this thing wouldn't have happened. Confound him and that Tecumseh anyhow!” (35) As further disclosed , Billy Caldwell came to Chicago as a runner for Tecumseh. While in the region, he was known for telling his stories of British victories to the Indians, which warped and enflamed their minds. These stories eventually helped to fuel the whole massacre. After the massacre had occurred, Caldwell not only basked in the American’s defeat, but also the burning of Fort Dearborn. As stated by Mary, “Billy Caldwell was a British Officer who hated the Americans.” (36)

In regards to Alexander Robinson's story, the following facts were conveyed to Mary Robinson by him. At the time of the final showdown, Robinson was guarding the settlers' cabins located on the north side of the river. The act of him protecting Ouilmette and Kinzies' homes and occupants from the murdering Indians was in fact the same scenario portrayed in Mrs. Kinizie's Wau Bun version. According to Robinson, at the time he was guarding the cabins Waubansia, Winnemace, Chief Joseph Bertrand, and a well known river trader were all with him. For years following the massacre, both Robinson and Waubansia grieved over the wrong committed against them when Caldwell took credit for what they had done. (37) As learned by Charles Dilg through his interviews with Mary Robinson, Caldwell was nowhere near the cabins on the north side of the river during or after the massacre had been waged. Instead, he was present at the massacre fighting beside his comrades Shaubena and Tecumseh against the Americans. (38)

Further, as explained by Charles Dilg, neither Alexander Robinson nor Black Partridge were ever interviewed on the details of the Fort Dearborn Massacre. The reason why this was thought to be is because it would have spoiled Mrs. Kinzie’s tale. (39) Even though in 1866 Alexander Robinson stated to Lyman Draper that Billy Caldwell showed up late to save the Kinzies, that was ten years after Wau Bun had been published. Added, it was never described in Draper's notes what exactly Robinson was referring to (Mrs. Kinzie's Wau Bun version, etc.). (40) To complicate matters, aside from Robinson’s language barrier, in 1866 he was also suffering from memory loss due to his advancing age, which could have affected his response to Draper. (41)

Interestingly enough, within the book entitled Chicago and the Old Northwest (1913), author Milo Milton Quaife critiqued Charles Dilg's techniques of obtaining information from Mary Robinson as being useless and unscientific. (42) Whether true or not, Dilg’s information did provide another theory to Billy Caldwell’s involvement with the Fort Dearborn Massacre. Thus, to insinuate that any one historical rendering of Caldwell’s role is an absolute truth may not be just.

NEXT Time: Billy Caldwell: An Updated History, Part 2 

Peter T. Gayford is a graduate of Dominican University's (River Forest, IL) Library and Information Science program. For the past six years, Gayford has been researching the life of Billy Caldwell (Sau - ga - nash) and events following his passing.


Footnotes and the bibliography for this article may be found listed under "Pages," at top, right.  

Photo Credits:

Top, left: "Billy Caldwell on the Plains," American Legion Billy Caldwell Post 806