America's First Black Priest: Father Gus (Part One)

February 26, 2010


On 20th January 2009 Barack Obama was sworn into office as the 44th President of the United States of America... The election of an African-American to the highest political position in the land, if not the world, is the pinnacle of the story of a people that had been in slavery less than one-hundred and fifty years before and could be treated as second-class citizens only 41 years before. The barriers broken by the former Senator for Illinois are immense but he is not the first ground breaking African-American to rise to prominence from the Prairie State. In 1886, at St. Peter's Basilica in Rome, a young man who had been born a slave was ordained a priest. His name was Augustine Tolton and he was the first black Roman Catholic priest in the United States.
(From: Celebrating Priesthood - Father Augustine Tolton)


By Gerry Curran

On a clear night in 1862, a 29-year-old slave woman with her two young sons and 20-month-old daughter, bolted the Stephen Elliot plantation in Brush Creek, Missouri, where she’d lived since 1849. Her destination for now was Hannibal, about five miles distance. From there, in a leaky rowboat, with bullets whizzing overhead from Confederate soldiers, she frantically rowed across the great Mississippi River to Illinois—a free state. For that slave woman, Martha Jane Tolton, it would mean freedom but for one of her sons, Augustine, it would mean even more. He would become, despite a maze of major obstacles, the first pure-blooded black Roman Catholic priest in the U.S.

Born in Kentucky, Martha Jane Chisley was already a second-generation Catholic, being baptized in infancy as was the custom of slave-holding Catholics. She would be part of a human dowry upon the wedding of Susan Mannings to Stephen Elliot. Immediately following the reception, the couple, with slaves in tow, headed for their new home, a farm in Missouri, also a slave state. Adjoining the Elliot farm was one owned by the Hager family, also Catholic. It was here Martha Jane met another slave, Peter Paul Tolton, who worked in the plantation’s distillery. A relationship developed and eventually they received permission from the Hager and Eliot families to marry in the Church.

In the spring 1851, Peter and Martha Jane were married by Father John O’Sullivan at Saint Peter’s Church in Brush Creek. In consenting to the marriage, it was agreed that the couple would live on the Eliot plantation but Peter would remain the property of the Hagers. In addition, any children born of this union would become property of the Elliots. From the marriage came Charley in 1853, Augustine, 1854, and Anne, 1859.

Though Peter Tolton had been a slave of the Hagers since he was a child, he still desired his freedom. Following the federal surrender of Fort Sumter in 1861, he escaped and enlisted in the Union army. Martha Jane understood. A year later, she and her children made their own escape.

The little quartet eventually made it to Quincy, Illinois, a town about 20 miles north of where they landed. It had a population of about 14,000, of which about 300 were black. Martha Jane made arrangements to stay with another black woman, a Mrs. Davis, and found a job at the Harris Tobacco factory at Fifth and Ohio Streets [also referenced as the Wellman and Dwire Tobacco Company]. Her two sons were hired as "stemmers," preparing the tobacco by trimming stems. They worked 10-hour days, six days a week for 50¢ per week.

Mother Tolton, as she came to be known, attended the local Catholic church, Saint Boniface. The pastor was Father Herman Schaeffermeyer. Though the 2,000-member parish was predominantly German, the Toltons were, for the most part, accepted or at the very least, tolerated. The parish school was yet untested. Mass was celebrated in Latin but the epistles, gospel and sermon in German and then translated into English by Fr. Schaeffermeyer. Young Augustine would learn the German language through this process.

During the winter months the tobacco factory was closed, and in 1865, Augustine and Anne became the first black children enrolled at St. Boniface School. When parishioners heard of it many threatened to withdraw their support of the church. Not surprisingly, the Tolton children endured hostility from other students as well. Staying only a month, Mother Tolton removed them from St. Boniface School.

Augustine continued to work at the tobacco factory, eventually working his way into the grading and sorting room. The work was easier and his pay was raised to $3 a week. Despite his earlier moral lapse in not standing up to his parishioners, Fr. Schaeffermeyer became a life-long friend of the Toltons.

In the winter of 1868, Mother Tolton enrolled her children in an all-black school, later known as Lincoln School, a state-maintained institution of dubious academic quality. Even in a school surrounded by his own, he was harassed and taunted, mainly because of his gawkiness and lack of a father. (Peter Paul Tolton had died of dysentery in a St. Louis hospital during the war. It is not known whether he ever saw combat.) Young Augustine, 14, would stay with it, and eventually won over his tormentors. He became one of the school’s best students.

Augustine met another person, one of many in his life, who was interested in his future: Father Peter McGirr of St. Peter’s Church in Quincy. Fr. McGirr, from Ulster in Northern Ireland, went on a sick call to Mrs. Davis’ house, where the Toltons were still staying in 1868. After speaking with Augustine, Fr. McGirr arranged to have him attend St. Peter’s School. When white parishioners complained to Fr. McGirr about a child attending St. Peter’s, he would either ignore them or lecture them on the equality of all people. Augustine never had any problems with any of the students. Augustine learned his Latin and became an altar boy. At the same time Mother Tolton moved to a brick shed behind a livery stable, close to St. Peter’s church and school. Though a bright student at 16, he was still woefully behind in his studies. Consequently, he received special before- and after-class tutoring from the nuns. He graduated with distinction from St. Peter’s in 1872, at the age of 18.

Now the question was, what was he to do with the education? Fr. McGirr asked Augustine if he ever thought of becoming a priest, to which the young man responded very positively. He applied at Saint Francis Monastery in Teutopolis, Illinois. Their reply: he did not qualify. So Augustine headed back to the tobacco factory where he was now making cigars at $9 per week and also serving as the church’s custodian.

St. Boniface had a new pastor, Father Francis Ostrop and was assisted by Father Theodore Wegmann. Fr. Ostrop set up a course of study for Augustine patterned after that at St. Francis Solanus College in Quincy. Fr. Wegmann would teach the course to Augustine. Meanwhile, over at St. Peter’s, Fr. McGirr found a reply from the local bishop to an earlier letter regarding Augustine. Basically, the letter said “Find a seminary which will accept a Negro candidate. The diocese will assume the expenses.” Unfortunately, the point was moot, as the three priests had written every seminary in the U.S., all of which responded “We are not ready to accept a Negro as a candidate for the seminary.” Augustine, or ‘Gus’ as he was now known, was 20 and in his twelfth year of employment at the tobacco factory.

An unexpected transfer of Fr. Wegmann found Gus in northeastern Missouri studying under a priest friend of Fr. McGirr’s. It turned out an utterly disastrous year with a well-meaning but alcoholic priest for a tutor and Gus working in a saloon, cleaning up the place after closing. So it was back to Quincy.

Upon his return to Quincy, Gus started working at the J.L. Kreitz Saddle factory in Quincy making saddles and horse collars. He also took back his job as church custodian. Fr. Ostrop found another tutor for him in the chaplain at the local Catholic hospital. After several months, Gus started a new job making $12 a week at Durhold and Company, a soda firm. Another bit of good fortune occurred: St. Francis Solanus College (now Quincy College) accepted Gus, who would start in the fall of 1878. In addition, he had three priests to tutor him. One of them, Father Michael Richardt, would be another pivotal person to his future.

Concerned about the lack of religious education among his own people, Gus took on the unofficial role of lay minister at St. Boniface. He discovered several years earlier that St. Boniface had purchased a Lutheran church and used it for a school. After St. Boniface built a new school, the former Protestant church lay vacant. Gus received permission from the pastor of St. Boniface to establish a Sunday school for children in the vacant church. With the assistance of the School Sisters of Notre Dame, a day school was also started. Over time, it grew to become St. Joseph parish.

Still, Gus, now 25, was no closer to his goal of entering a seminary than five years earlier. A plea to the newly-founded Josephite Fathers in England, whose ministry was directed at American ex-slaves, eventually proved a dead end. He began pestering his mentors on the subject. Following a long talk with Fr. McGirr, Gus was sadly reminded of the situation for blacks in 1879 America. However, the discussion did end on a positive note. Fr. McGirr told him of the local bishop’s upcoming trip to Rome the following week and the bishop would plead Gus’s case to the Cardinal Prefect of the Propaganda College. Gus’s spirits soared.

After a seemingly interminable amount of time, Fr. Richardt showed Gus a letter received from the local bishop. Though the bishop tried his best, the letter said, he was unable to obtain admission for Gus to the Propaganda College. The letter added that he should wait until the Josephite Fathers opened a seminary in the U.S. Knowing that to be a pipe dream, Fr. Richardt began his reserve plan and appealed directly to the superior general of the Franciscan order in Rome. The Cardinal Prefect—who’d just turned down the bishop’s plea—was also a personal friend of the superior general.

Fr. Richardt mailed the superior general a long, well-crafted letter to plead Gus’s case. For Gus, the time was agony. For about two months, he just moped along, until one day he was notified of his acceptance for priestly preparation at the Propaganda College in Rome.

On Sunday, February 15, 1880, with a sizable crowd at the Quincy station to see him off, Gus boarded the train that took him to Hoboken, N.J. From there he would board the Der Westlicher for a 12-day voyage to Le Havre, and then, by train, with various European layovers, to Rome. He arrived in the Eternal City on Wednesday, March 10, 1880.

Within nine days, Gus and his 70 or so fellow seminarians were invested in the uniform of the Collegium: A black soutane with red sash and black biretta with a red tassel. He found his classmates to be from all corners of the globe. The discrimination and prejudice he experienced in the U.S. was not found in the Collegium. Though occasionally lonely, he felt very comfortable in his new situation. Later, as Father Tolton, he would recall that the happiest times of his life were as a seminarian. Very soon, his fellow seminarians addressed him as Gus or ‘Gus from the U.S.’ and he adjusted well to seminary life. During this time he also mastered the accordion and would play old Negro spirituals for his classmates. On non-school days he would wander around Rome and sketch some of the Eternal City’s more than 600 churches.

In spring 1886, Gus’s seminary days were coming to an end. He’d passed all the requisite courses and taken all the oaths for each of his six years of study. All that remained was ordination,

The day before his ordination, he tried to find out his first assignment. Anyone who knew him, from the clergy in Quincy to his seminary classmates and instructors at the Collegium, assumed he would be sent to Africa as a missionary. This was not to be. To everyone’s surprise, he was being sent back to Quincy. Alhough an assignments committee had agreed that Augustine Tolton would go to Africa, the prefect of the Collegium, Giovanni Cardinal Simeoni, overruled them and said America didn’t have any black priests, though they were needed — but Americans will see one now.

NEXT: Father Tolton arrives in Chicago
_______

Gerry Curran is a Southern California based writer who was born in Chicago and raised on the South Side. His work has appeared in Nostalgia Digest. Gerry served in the Marine Corps, and is now happily retired with his wife, Vicki. He spends a lot of time studying Chicago's history.

Recommended reading:
They Called Him Father Gus
Father Tolton

Photo Credit: Augustine Tolton (Wikipedia)

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I'll Trade You Two Pulitzer For a Medill: Chicago Cigarette Cards

February 16, 2010

Once upon a time neither cigarettes nor newspaper editors were bad for your health.

Joseph Medill. The Chicago Tri... Digital ID: 410336. New York Public LibraryWilliam Penn Nixon. The Chicag... Digital ID: 410342. New York Public Library

Three Chicago journalists made the cut in the set of 50 Cigarette Cards of American Editors produced by the Virginia based company of Allen & Ginter in 1887. The little cardboard cards were 1 1/2 by 2 3/4 inches, and became a popular marketing tool to encourage tobacco sales. Collect them all; trade with your friends! The American Editors series was the second set produced by Allen & Ginter; the first, as you might expect, were of the baseball heroes of the day (including Charlie Comiskey of the St. Louis Brown Stockings). Interestingly, there was one female editor featured in the set: Eliza J. Nicholson of the New Orleans Picayune who, in 1893, The New York Times called "the only woman in the world who owns, edits, manages, and publishes a great daily newspaper."


Other tobacconists joined the pack of card producers, and in 1893 The Columbian Exposition was featured in a set of cigarette inserts titled, "The Great White City," produced by the London firm of Salmon Gluckstein, Ltd. The Columbian Exposition seemed to find its way onto just about everything, but the images selected for the British cards are curious. No Ferris wheel; no Statue of the Republic.

Curious about what other topics were featured on the cards? Check out the list on the NYPL Digital Gallery website.

Recommended reading:
Editors Were Trading Card Stars
More About Tobacco Advertising and the Tobacco Collections
Cigarette Cards: ABCs

Photo credit: All images from the NYPL Digital Gallery

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A Valentine for Chicago

February 14, 2010

In the early months of 1893, Chicago was a busy place. The opening day of the Columbian Exposition was just few months away and the city wanted everything to be perfect for the millions of visitors that were anticipated. One socially conscience soap manufacturer, Jas. S. Kirk & Company, addressed Chicago's dirty streets by incorporating the issue into its February 14, 1893 advertising:



The dead cat and the rats are a nice touch. But, is Lady Republic asleep (unaware of the issue), hanging her head in shame over the mound of garbage, or just tired from picking up the refuse? One thing is certain - All it would take is a bar of Kirk's American Family Soap to clean up the city.

Clean up your act and have a very Happy Valentine's Day!

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Chicago Debut of Louis Sullivan Film Announced

February 13, 2010



It has just been confirmed that the Chicago debut of Louis Sullivan: The Struggle for American Architecture is slated for March 14, 2010 from 12 to 3 PM at the Gene Siskel Film Center located at 164 N. State Street. Seating is strictly limited to 200 attendees and a donation of $15 per person is requested. Donations are accepted through Paypal only, and your receipt must be presented at the theater for admittance. At the present time Director Mark Smith and the film's production company, WhiteCap Films, are seeking a distributor for the eagerly awaited tribute to Chicago's beloved architect. Read Mark Smith's Notes about the screening here and Lynn Becker provides some more details at ArchitectureChicagoPLUS.

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On Chicago: He Da Man!

February 12, 2010



"In the summer of 1930 a granddaughter of the Emperor Francis Joseph of Austria [Archduchess Elisabeth Marie of Austria] spent a few weeks in America visiting New York, Washington, Cleveland, Pittsburgh and Chicago, and on her return to Vienna told her friends that she considered the Edgewater Beach Hotel in Chicago the most fascinating place she had visited on her tour. This great lady, for she is just that, returned to her country disappointed in only one particular and that was that none of the people whom she met could introduce her to Al Capone."


From: Chicago Welcomes You By Alfred Hoyt Granger (1933)

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Louis Sullivan Film Completed

February 8, 2010

When I got to know you, your days of building were over, but even so, nothing you ever did in building could change the image of you, the man. I remember how timid you were when first I suggested that you write a story about your life [The Autobiography of an Idea, 1924]. You could not believe that anyone would be interested. America had jumped forward into a hectic stride. Skyscrapers were rising like weeds. Who longer cared about Louis Sullivan?

Charles Harris Whitaker (1872-1938)
The Story of Architecture (1934)
From the Dedication to Louis Sullivan

Director Mark Smith has announced the completion of the eagerly awaited documentary Louis Sullivan: The Struggle for American Architecture. The film, produced by Whitecap Films, is currently being marketed to distributors, and a small screening is scheduled for February 8th in Los Angeles. A Chicago viewing is slated for the end of the month and details will be forthcoming. As it turns out, a great many people still do care about Louis Sullivan.

Note: For the latest details on the film and a clip of the beautiful score, see the production's Facebook page.

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On Chicago: Two poems by Sherwood Anderson

February 6, 2010

In Middle America men are awakening. Like awkward and untrained boys we begin to turn toward maturity and with our awakening we hunger for song. But in our towns and fields there are few memory haunted places. Here we stand in roaring city streets, on steaming coal heaps, in the shadow of factories from which come only the grinding roar of machines. We do not sing but mutter in the darkness. Our lips are cracked with dust and with the heat of furnaces. We but mutter and feel our way toward the promise of song.

From: Mid-American Chants (1918)

CHICAGO

I am mature, a man child, in America, in the West, in the
great valley of the Mississippi. My head arises above
the cornfields. I stand up among the new corn.

I am a child, a confused child in a confused world. There
are no clothes made that fit me. The minds of men
cannot clothe me. Great projects arise within me. I
have a brain and it is cunning and shrewd.

I want leisure to become beautiful, but there is no leisure.
Men should bathe me with prayers and with weeping,
but there are no men.

Now — from now — from to-day I shall do deeds of fiery
meaning. Songs shall arise in my throat and hurt me.

I am a little thing, a tiny little thing on the vast prairies.
I know nothing. My mouth is dirty. I cannot tell what
I want. My feet are sunk in the black swampy land, but
I am a lover. I love life. In the end love shall save me.

The days are long — it rains — it snows. I am an old man.
I am sweeping the ground where my grave shall be.

Look upon me, my beloved, my lover who does not come.
I am raw and bleeding, a new thing in a new world. I
run swiftly o'er bare fields. Listen — there is the sound
of the tramping of many feet. Life is dying in me. I
am old and palsied. I am just at the beginning of my life.

Do you not see that I am old, O my beloved? Do you
not understand that I cannot sing, that my songs choke
me? Do you not see that I am so young I cannot find
the word in the confusion of words?

SONG OF THE SOUL OF CHICAGO

On the bridges, on the bridges — swooping and rising, whirling
and circling — back to the bridges, always the bridges.

I'll talk forever — I'm damned if I'll sing. Don't you see
that mine is not a singing people? We're just a lot of
muddy things caught up by the stream. You can't fool
us. Don't we know ourselves?

Here we are, out here in Chicago. You think we're not
humble? You're a liar. We are like the sewerage of our
town, swept up stream by a kind of mechanical triumph
— that's what we are.

On the bridges, on the bridges — wagons and motors, horses
and men — not flying, just tearing along and swearing.

By God we'll love each other or die trying. We'll get to
understanding too. In some grim way our own song shall
work through.

We'll stay down in the muddy depths of our stream — we
will. There can't any poet come out here and sit on the
shaky rail of our ugly bridges and sing us into paradise.

We're finding out — that's what I want to say. We'll get
at our own thing out here or die for it. We're going
down, numberless thousands of us, into ugly oblivion.
We know that.

But say, bards, you keep off our bridges. Keep out of our
dreams, dreamers. We want to give this democracy thing
they talk so big about a whirl. We want to see if we
are any good out here, we Americans from all over hell.
That's what we want.

NOTE: I have only begun to read a bit of Sherwood Anderson (Winesburg, Ohio), but I must admit - so far I don't get him. Regarding the above two poems, one naturally will compare them to Carl Sandburg's, "Chicago," but in my humble evaluation there is no comparison. Anderson confuses me. Am I missing something? Please, enlighten me!

For more information on Sherwood Anderson, see his Chicago History Online links page.

Photo credit: Ohioana Library

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"One-Hundred Percent John" Vs the FDIC: Part Two

February 3, 2010

By Gerry Curran

In August, 1935, to everyone’s astonishment, "One-Hundred Percent John" reluctantly agreed to pay the bank’s assessment and join the FDIC. Though he still disagreed with the concept of deposit insurance, he felt that after the FDIC had reduced the amount to be assessed from one-half of one percent to one-twelfth of one percent, membership in the FDIC was the easiest way to wrap up the problem. With First National Bank of Englewood’s deposits of $6,277,000, the assessment came to $5,230.

"One-Hundred Percent John" remained low for the balance of 1935—other than a publicized letter that notified depositors that the bank was levying them directly for their portion of the FDIC assessment. He felt because his bank was sound and didn’t need such a thing, he would just pass that cost on to the depositors and opined that all banks would eventually follow suit.

In 1936, still smarting from his earlier treatment by the FDIC, Nichols would use any reason to berate them, no matter how minor. Once, he found a magazine article where FDIC chairman Crowley discussed the rule forbidding member banks from accepting savings accounts from corporations. He dashed off another letter to Crowley and made it public stating “...So long as our deposits are fully covered by United States cash and government securities, neither you nor anyone else is going to tell us whose deposits we shall or shall not accept. Who do you fellows think you are, anyway?”

That same year, Nichols, not satisfied with just shaking his fist at the Roosevelt administration with irate letters and posters, thought of a clever way to poke his financial finger in the government’s eye. Just before the feds came to examine his books that year, "One-Hundred Percent John" transferred $1.1 million to the Northern Trust Bank and an equal amount at the Harris Trust and Savings Bank—in cash, in $50 and $100 denominations, to be kept in their respective vaults. When the bank examiners came up $2.2 million short at 63rd and Stewart Ave., they asked, in their best Chicagoese: ‘Where’s the rest of the dough?’ Nichols told them he’d take them downtown for it. First stop: Northern Trust, where he wheeled out the lode of fifty- and one-hundred-dollar bills.

“You oughtn’t do this,” an examiner sputtered, “It doesn’t look safe, keeping all this money in a safety deposit vault in a bank.”

“Well, if that’s the way you feel about it, why don’t you go up and tell Solomon Smith that you don’t think his vaults are safe?” Nichols queried. “You know, he spent a lot of money on these vaults and is mighty proud of them.” After that, it was over to Harris Trust and Savings for more the same. It was well into the night when they finished. It became their yearly task after that. (That particular year, the First National Bank of Englewood was 108.71% liquid.)

A month prior to the presidential election that year, Nichols sent out yet another letter to his depositors. This time he urged them to support Alf Landon for president and described the election as “a choice between constitutional government and communism ... As the guardian of your funds, I urge you to protect your deposits by casting your vote for Alfred M. Landon.” Roosevelt won the election 62% to 37% of the popular vote and 523 to 8 in the Electoral College where Landon carried only Maine and Vermont.

Though his next four years were relatively quiet, Nichols couldn’t resist one more poke in FDR’s eye, who in 1940, who was campaigning for an unprecedented third term. Nichols placed a display ad in the Chicago Tribune which basically showed the bank’s outstanding financial condition. However, at the very bottom he added the following text: “In a last stand for democracy, every director and officer of this bank will cast his vote for Wendell Willkie.” House Majority Leader John W. McCormick (D-Mass.) fired off a letter to the Senate Campaign Investigating Committee charging "One-Hundred Percent John" with violating the Section 313 of the Federal Corrupt Practices Act which prohibited a national bank from making a contribution in connection with any election to political office. Never one to shy away from publicity, Nichols said he would be delighted if they investigated him and announced that he would run the same ad the next day in American Banker, a New York publication. The only difference would be a line of large type above the ad reading ‘We repeat’ with an arrow directing the reader to the Willkie support statement.

The committee turned the charge over to the Department of Justice which declined to prosecute. The point was moot: Roosevelt won 55% of the popular vote to Willkie’s 45%, and 449 to 82 in the Electoral College.

During the Willkie ad incident, Nichols had said if Roosevelt was reelected, he, as majority shareholder, would shut down his bank, pay off the depositors and distribute the assets to the shareholders. True to his word, in April 1941, "One-Hundred Percent John" requested that depositors completely withdraw their funds from the bank. The bank was left with deposits of $39,000, of which, $32,000 belonged to owners who could not be traced. In August, he announced his retirement from the banking business for the “duration of the Roosevelt-concocted emergency.” He kept the bank’s charter, but said its only activity would be real estate management.

First National Bank of Englewood, founded in 1889 by Nichols’ father, finally ended December 1943 when he contracted with Speedway Wrecking Company to have the 1½- story building, 347 West Sixty-Third Street, demolished. According to Time Magazine, nobody but bookies and nightclub operators offered to rent it.

In a final act of banker bravura, Nichols ordered that, following the demolition, the vacant lot be covered with black dirt to “give it an honorable burial...the lot will be just sitting there to give back to the Indians.”

"One-Hundred Percent John M. Nichols," 82, died at Hinsdale Hospital on Sunday, June 11, 1972. One can only speculate as to how he would react to today’s banking debacle. Chances are good that he would be 100% angry.

Gerry Curran is a Southern California based writer who was born in Chicago and raised on the South Side. His work has appeared in Nostalgia Digest. Gerry served in the Marine Corps, and is now happily retired with his wife, Vicki. He spends a lot of time studying Chicago's history.

Photo Credit: First National Bank of Englewood, interior, Chicago History in Postcards

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a.k.a. Sharon Williams. I'm a frustrated amateur historian, bibliophile and student with an unnatural and utterly romanticized view of Chicago's history. So sue me... Feel free to contact me with any questions, comments, requests or appropriate articles. Contributors are always welcome.

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